Suchergebnisse

Sectarian identity has played a significant role in electoral politics in Iraq after 2003. As in the cases related to the former Yugoslavia, ethic/sectarian cleavages are often mobilized when majority systems are introduced instantly through elections. In Iraq, electoral blocs were
formed along sectarian lines in order to gain a majority of voters collectively, in a situation where most of the major political parties were composed of expatriates and had not yet established nationwide supportive bases inside Iraq. Mobilization patterns are diverse; United Iraqi Alliance
(UIA) relied on sectarian networks, mainly in the southern governorates, while Iraqiya succeeded in obtaining a majority of votes in the central regions by combining various sources of mobilization, such as tribal, local and kinship networks, through which the fame of candidates was established.
Differences among political parties in the patterns of nominating candidates depended on those in the previous regime. Iraqiya followed a similar pattern of mobilization during the former ruling system, while the al-Da'wa Party in UIA pursued absorption of local power into their own party
structure, which caused conflicts between provincial political elites and the central government in 2011. Once the period during which competition for the ruling position in the central political authority has passed, forms of political contention other than sectarian rivalries emerge.

The dispatch of the Japanese Self Defence Forces (SDF) to Iraq following the US invasion was a watershed in the transformation of Japan's defence and security policy, from its traditional pacifist policy toward deeper involvement in international security issues. The Japanese media
covered the situation in Iraq mainly in the context of Japan's policy regarding the SDF. An analysis of editorials in major Japanese newspapers shows that media concern regarding the SDF reached a peak during the proceedings on legislation to allow the dispatch of the SDF, but decreased dramatically
following the dispatch. The presence of the SDF in Iraq became an issue that was too close to home. As a result, criticism became impossible, and the debate on the SDF became limited to the issue of morality and the loyalty of the Japanese people to the government. The analysis also shows
that the original motivation for the dispatch of the SDF was not perceived as a domestic factor but as a reflection of Japan's relationship with the United States. Thus, the Japanese media failed to grasp the situation surrounding the SDF within the overall context of domestic political developments
in Iraq.

"The book addresses the complex events and unexpected outcomes of military intervention by the United States and its allies in Iraq in 2003. Considering the long-term outcomes of military intervention, this volume examines economic collapse, societal disorder and increased regional conflict in Iraq. The work assesses the means by which American strategists imposed a new political order, generalising corruption, sectarian preference and ethnic cleansing, and stimulating mass population movements in and from Iraq. Mobilising a multi-disciplinary perspective, the book explores the rise and fall of Iraq's confessional leaders, the emergence of a popular movement for reform and the demands of young radicals focused upon revolutionary change. The product of years of intensive research by Iraqis and international scholars, Iraq since the Invasion considers how an initiative designed to produce "regime change" favourable to the United States and its allies brought unprecedented influence for Iran - both in Iraq and the wider Gulf region. It inspects events in Kurdistan and the impacts of change on relations between Iraq and its neighbours. The book includes a wealth of detail on political, social and cultural change, and the experiences of Iraqis during long years of upheaval that is great value to researchers and students interested in international relations, development studies and Middle East politics"--

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